The increasing dependence of single women and their children on welfare and poverty programs can be largely attributed to the absence of fathers. That is why; many social policies and organizations are meant to work towards encouraging the involvement of non-custodial fathers to combat the ill-conditions of single parenting families. The primary base for such social policies and works is to pursue the non-custodial fathers for representative payment of child support. African American families often suffer the problems and poverty related with the carelessness of non-custodial fathers towards their families and children. African American non-custodial father often suffers blames for being unemployed, uneducated, and unwilling to provide or take accountability for the children they are thought to obliviously produce. The results of social policies for non-custodial fathers in Baltimore, Maryland confirm this negative image of African American non-custodial fathers. Most of the newly borne babies in African American families are of single/unwed mothers and fathers and about or over one half of the African American children are living in fatherless homes (Angel and Angel, 1993).
In mid-1970’s new social policies were established to encourage the financial contribution of non-custodial fathers for their child support. The child support laws also faced three major revisions first in 1984, then in Family Support Act of 1988 and then through PRWORA of 1996. Every time, the new law introduced were harsher and stricter for those who were not paying any child support. The major weakness of these policies is to establish paternity for children born to unwed parents (Johnson, 2010). Many independent social workers and organizations are working for African American healthy marriage initiatives to provide a better solution for connection of marriage research with practice conferences (African American Healthy Marriage Initiative).
In a relative study about non-custodial white fathers and African American non-custodial fathers, African American males have suffered lower wages, higher levels of unemployment and underemployment, lower levels of education, and higher rates of incarceration (Carnoy, 1994).
In such drastic situations, it becomes difficult to make the legislative means to effectively securing sufficient child support from African American fathers. Furthermore, all African American mothers and children do not take benefits from legislated child support. If we compare, one-third of all African American mothers and their children are granted child support payments while two-thirds of Whites and 41 percent of Hispanics enjoy such welfare supports and grants for child support (Hamer, 1998).
It is true that institutions cannot make good fathers, yet, social organizations, institutions and policies can support the efforts to help men in becoming the best fathers. Schools, family service providers, governments, the courts, businesses, faith-based organizations, fatherhood programs, and others can individually or collaboratively promote the environment for responsible fatherhood amongst the African American non-custodial fathers by providing them the encouragement and services they and their families need. The first stage for implementing such helpful encouragement programs successfully is to create a father-friendly environment (Levine, Murphy, Wilson, 1998). It should be noted that the general expectations of the single mothers or single parenting women from the non-custodial father involvement should be in harmony with the expectations of the social working organizations and their policies.
In general, most of the African American single parent women in Baltimore are disappointed principally with fathers' involvement in the lives of their children; mainly in terms of the monetary support noncustodial fathers appear to offer. In addition, many single parenting women feel that noncustodial fathers do not provide adequate time for their children and that they would like for their children's fathers to involve more in the lives of their children. African American noncustodial fathers too emphasize more on economic and social elements. The common expectation of most of the non-custodial African American fathers in general remains to spend time with their kids; provide obedience; educate their children; serve as role models; provide monetary support, and lastly; offer their children with a legal endowment and bond to their paternal relatives (Hamer, 1998). The differences between the expectations of custodial mothers and non-custodial fathers may create situations of tension, dissatisfaction, arguments and discontent within the family and that may prove harmful for the children.
Obviously, the social organizations, schools, family service providers, governments, the courts, businesses, faith-based organizations, fatherhood programs, and others are meant to provide a social environment in Baltimore that can encourage these African American fathers to prove good at their own expectations regarding their role in the lives of their children. It should also be noted that the strict laws may not prove sufficient or workable without improving the overall general conditions of African American men in general and non-custodial fathers in particular. These social programs also need to encourage single parent custodial women to have a harmonious relation with the non-custodial fathers and to encourage them towards their fatherly responsibilities in an affirmative and positive manner.
In general, when a noncustodial father remarries or enters in a new relationship, he may feel less committed towards his children from previous marriage or unwedded relations (Hamer, 1998). Obviously, there is a need to improve the marriage institution and a try to avoid unwedded parenthood. Relative to fathers who remained single following divorce, those who remarried or cohabitated found managing time for their children more difficult (Seltzer, Brandreth, 1993). Because of constraints and complexities of managing and arranging time for the new relationship and old family may prove to be difficult for the noncustodial fathers and that often becomes a reason for discontent in the single parenting women. Proper research about the barriers that restricts the involvement of non-custodial fathers with their children suggests that the feelings and behaviours of his current partner and the mother of his children from the previous wedded or unwedded relation affect his fathering behaviour.
It has also been noticed that such noncustodial fathers who are not in any new relation after their divorce and are having a friendly relationship with their divorced partner can provide much more time and economical support for their children in comparison to those non-custodial fathers who although are single and haven’t committed to any new relationship after their divorce, yet do not enjoy good rapport with their previous wife and have an antagonistic relation with them. In such situation, the noncustodial fathers find difficulty in providing enough support for their children (Hamer, 1998). In order to remove these barriers, the social organizations and policies working for the non-custodial fathers in Baltimore, Maryland should emphasize a social programs to help the custodial mothers and non-custodial fathers to have an easy going relation between them so that the children may not suffer the effects of antagonism and altercations between their divorced parents.
Other barriers that the social policies need to ease out for the noncustodial fathers are a lack of time; physical distance from children, and; financial constraints that placed limits on their ability to visit their children regularly. Moreover, many non-custodial fathers also suffer the biases in the legal system concerning with visitation rights, a loss of social support networks, and the demands of new relationships get in the way with their ability to remain and get in touch with their children (Hamer, 1998).
Being a single mother of two boys and a girl, I feel that there is a strong need for improving the social conditions for the divorced custodial mothers. I have two non-custodial fathers in my life. The two little boys I have are the result of my first ever sexual unwedded relationship that broke after five years. After that, I married again and had a girl. The marriage broke after 3 and half years. I find that both of the non-custodial fathers are not responsible enough for their children. It is hard to suggest why they are so untouched with the conditions of their offspring. The three kids need a fatherly support and they are unable to get it. I realize that I do not have a calm relation with any of them. Both of them are now remarried and I guess they are happy with their new families. I feel that the social policies should tend the two noncustodial fathers in my life to provide enough time for their kids. I being the custodial mother am committed for providing better life for the kids. I am working woman and I feel that more than economic support, I need social and emotional support for my kids from their respective fathers. The two non-custodial fathers attempt to meet their kids every now and then during birthdays, Christmas and so on. It would be nice if they can spend a little more time with their kids. In fact, I would love to have an arrangement of at least a monthly visit from the two-non-custodial fathers to meet their children. The young kids will find a great encouragement from their fathers in such situations and will grow with a feeling of security and responsibility and that will help them in becoming a good citizen and good fathers.
References:
Angel, R. J. & Angel, J. L. (1993). Painful inheritance: Health and the new generation of fatherless families. Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press, available at: http://books.google.com/books?id=ELVnTnXbfbsC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Painful+inheritance:+Health+and+the+new+generation+of+fatherless+families&hl=en&ei=zgpZTNG4FZTGrAfYl-nKDg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CCUQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false
Waldo Emerson Johnson (2010), Social Work with African American Males: Health, Mental Health, and Social Policy, Oxford University Press US, 2010, Available at: http://books.google.com/books?id=ZMTJpch0sJIC&dq=Social+Work+Strategies+for+African+American+Families+with+Non-Custodial+Fathers+in+Baltimore,+Maryland&source=gbs_navlinks_s
Carnoy, M. (1994). Faded dreams: The politics and economics of race in America, New York: Cambridge University Press, available at: http://books.google.com/books?id=3L7QhEZSAh4C&printsec=frontcover&dq=The+politics+and+economics+of+race+in+America&hl=en&ei=nRRZTKSVOY6wrAeiq5yiDg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CC0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false
Hamer F. Jennifer, (1998), What African-American Noncustodial Fathers Say Inhibits and Enhances Their Involvement with Children, The Western Journal of Black Studies. Volume: 22. Issue: 2, available at: http://www.questia.com/read/5001400829?title=What%20African-American%20Noncustodial%20Fathers%20Say%20Inhibits%20and%20Enhances%20Their%20Involvement%20with%20Children
James A. Levine, Dennis T. Murphy, Sherrill D. Wilson (1998), Getting men involved: strategies for early childhood programs, Families and Work Institute, 1998, available at: http://books.google.com/books?id=Ytw_AAAACAAJ&dq=Getting+Men+Involved:+Strategies+for+Early+Childhood+Programs&hl=en&ei=eRhZTIu1MM2ErAfartm2Dg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CCwQ6AEwAA
Judith A. Seltzer, Yvonne M. Brandreth, (1993), What fathers say about involvement with children after separation, University of Wisconsin--Madison. Institute for Research on Poverty, available at: http://books.google.com/books?id=te4sRgAACAAJ&dq=What+fathers+say+about+involvement+with+children+after+separation&hl=en&ei=2CBZTIfaLcHJcf3YkdgI&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CC4Q6AEwAA
African American Healthy Marriage Initiative, available at: http://ssw.unc.edu/jif/aahmi06/bios.html
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